Communities across the country have spent tens of millions of dollars elbowing for an edge in the Pentagon's Base Realignment and Closure process, while Utah has a low-frills operation.

It is essentially run by three paid staffers, without a Washington lobbyist and with little funding from the state.

But Utah's approach also reflects a sense of confidence, with much of its energy focused on positioning itself for the role of vulture - scooping up jobs from bases that fall victim to the Pentagon's ax.

“I hope we're not na•ve and we don't regret this. . . . The worst thing to do would be for Hill [Air Force Base] to close and for us to still have money in the bank,” said Vickie McCall, president of the Utah Defense Alliance, the partnership making Utah's case. “But we have really done what we think we can do to keep Hill off that [closure] list, and if it's on the list, then we'll throw more money at it.”

The alliance has been frugal, spending just more than half of the $850,000 it got from the Utah Legislature and private donors. It has about $400,000 socked away for a major offensive in case a Utah installation is on the closure list, said UDA executive director Rick Mayfield.

The Legislature also spent about $20 million since 1995 to buy land around Hill Air Force Base to prevent development from encroaching on the base.

“We think Hill sells itself,” said Leo Memmott, Gov. Jon Huntsman Jr.'s point man on base closures. “The efficiencies that they have up there, the excellent work force, if we can just get them to look at what Hill's doing, then we think that Hill will stand on its own.”

Other states, many with more riding on base realignment, have spared no expense trying to influence the process.

Florida pays $50,000 a month for a consulting team that includes former Defense Secretary William Cohen and former House Majority Leader Dick Armey, and spent millions buying land around bases and making the state military-friendly.

California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger tapped former White House Chief of Staff Leon Panetta to head the state's operation and hired a lobbying group that includes two former congressmen. Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney also approved $261 million to develop bases in the state, part of a $410 million plan. And the state has hired former BRAC commission chairman and Illinois Sen. Alan Dixon to lobby on its behalf.

But the Pentagon officials running BRAC have refused to meet with lobbyists, prompting some states to focus their money on community development.

Last year, the UDA hired lobbyist James Gallagher, a staffer in prior base closure rounds, but the contract was short-lived.

"We didn't feel that anybody could really influence the process and we were just spending money on something that we couldn't really measure," Mayfield said.

UDA rehired Gallagher this month, agreeing to pay him $40,000 through the end of the BRAC process in September.

Rep. Rob Bishop, R-Utah, said it's too early to judge the wisdom of the strategy.

“If we're successful, people will say we shouldn't have spent any money,” he said. “If we're not successful, we can play the blame game.”

Where the money comes from

l Lawmakers provided $750,000

l UDA raised $100,000 through private contributions in 2004 from companies such as the Standard-Examiner newspaper and Utah Power

l The Legislature spent $5 million to purchase equipment intended to bring 4,000 jobs to Hill Air Force Base, although UDA says it is an economic development project,

not BRAC-related

l Lawmakers also spent $20 million since 1995 buying easements near Hill AFB to prevent encroachment

Where the money goes

l Logistic Specialties Inc. (LSI), consulting contract, $13,000/month

l The Gallagher Group, lobbyist, $10,000 for May, then $7,500/month through September

l Staff salaries: Rick Mayfield, executive director, $7,800/month; Vickie McCall, president, $5,200/month

l Public Relations: Contract is pending