This time Abbas comes to the White House as his own man, a democratically elected leader with deep conviction and commitment to a peaceful resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Abbas still faces myriad challenges and the fruition of his peace efforts is greatly dependent on internal politics both in Palestine and Israel.

But Abbas needs Bush's support more than anybody else's, and his success or failure will greatly reflect the moral stature of President Bush as a champion of democracy and freedom in the Middle East.

For Abbas to succeed, American commitment to the "road map to peace" must be unwavering. Most Arabs were skeptical of the Road Map initiative that President Bush announced just two weeks before the war in Iraq. It was seen as no more than lip service for Arab and international concerns and an attempt to provide political cover for Tony Blair's support for attacking Iraq.

Once it was announced, Arafat quickly declared his acceptance of the Road Map, but he did little to allow Abbas as his prime minister to move forward with the Palestinian obligations under that plan. Ariel Sharon's government accepted the Road Map but with a number of reservations. Similarly, Sharon did little to move the Road Map forward or to enhance Abbas' position vis-a-vis Arafat.

Eventually, Abbas resigned in frustration and the Road Map almost fell into oblivion along with the other American initiatives for Middle East peace. Furthermore, as a counter-reaction to reaction to the Road Map, Sharon conceived of his plan for a long- term management of the conflict through a one-sided disengagement from Gaza and an American acquiescence to partitioning the West Bank into Israeli settlement blocks and walled Palestinian cantons.

The unexpected death of Arafat, followed by Abbas' smooth election to the presidency of the Palestinian Authority, has resurrected the Road Map and challenged Sharon's one-sided plans. Ironically, Sharon's disengagement from the Gaza can provide the perfect environment for Abbas to prove his intentions and willingness to establish a Palestinian state existing in peace with Israel and devoid of violence and terrorism.

The United States has pushed Abbas to coordinate with Israel its withdrawal from Gaza. Abbas has indicated that he is willing to do so, but in return he wants assurances that this withdrawal will become a part of the Road Map and a model for future Israeli withdrawals.

Israel will have to do more than remove its army and settlers; it needs to allow the Palestinian Authority to exercise its control over Gaza's borders, sea and skies. Abbas will be asking for these assurances in his visit to the White House.

Without these rights, Israel's withdrawal from Gaza would only be seen as a victory for Hamas and other Palestinian militants and not a step toward peace. And without further Israeli concessions in the West Bank, like arming the Palestinian police, Abbas will not have the upper hand against these militants.

Sharon's intentions for post-Gaza withdrawal will remain unclear and the success of Abbas is not a necessary requirement for his plans for the future of the West Bank. But for President Bush, Abbas' failure will only enhance Arafat's legacy and will negatively impact President Bush's standing in the Middle East.

---

Ehab Abunuwara is both a Palestinian Arab and an Israeli citizen, fluent in both Arabic and Hebrew. He grew up as a Christian but with regular contact with Moslems and Jews. A native of Nazareth, Israel, he has a doctorate from Brigham Young University and lives in Orem. His book, Days of the Messiah: Pharaoh, will be published this month.