Last week I noted in this space that while Utah is among the states with the highest taxes on alcohol, it is in the bottom third in taxing cigarettes. And legislators continue to balk at any hike on cigarette levies while personally eschewing the tobacco habit because of their religion.

This week, I offer a suggestion on why tobacco companies seem to do so well in a Legislature that claims an 80 percent membership in the LDS Church, which lists tobacco among its taboos.

It has to do with money.

Tobacco companies contract with some of the most plugged-in lobbyists in Utah, so while the industry giants like Reynolds American and Altria don't show up in any extraordinary way in legislators' campaign-finance disclosures, the lobbyists who represent them have deep pockets through their many other clients.

Altria, which owns U.S. Tobacco Co., contracts with lobbyists Sue and Cap Ferry, Dave Stewart, former House Speaker Greg Curtis and League of Cities and Towns governmental affairs director Lincoln Shurtz.

The Ferrys and their grandson, Stewart, have more than a dozen other clients in their portfolio, including such giants as Intermountain Health Care and EnergySolutions, which are among the most generous contributors to legislators and political parties.

Curtis also represents IHC, and Shurtz, through his employment with the Utah League of Cities and Towns, has an equal ability to purchase tables at political fundraising events and to funnel funds to political parties.

Tobacco giant Reynolds American contracts with lobbyists Nancy Sechrest, who has 13 other clients, and Travis Wood, who also represents more than a dozen corporations, including such behemoths as AT&T and Delta Airlines.

The Ferrys always have enjoyed unusual access to legislative leaders. Cap was the Senate president in the 1980s, their son is Rep. Ben Ferry, R-Corinne, and Sue's cousin is Sen. Peter Knudson, R-Brigham City, the former Senate majority leader. The Ferrys always have a presence at the political fundraisers, plus they are known for their elaborate, exclusive parties with selected legislators and their exotic trips with chosen lawmakers to Taiwan, paid for by that country's government.

In addition, James Olsen is one of the most well-connected lobbyists because of his long involvement with the Utah Food Industry Assocation, which opposes hiking the cigarette tax. Gary Thorup, the Ferrys' son-in-law, also represents the food association. And lobbyist Royce VanTassle opposed the proposed cigarette tax increase through his representation of the Utah Taxpayers Association, whose president is Sen. Howard Stephenson, R-Draper.

The multiplicity of clients represented by these have-gun-will-travel lobbyists sometimes creates g alliances at the Capitol. Sechrest, for example, was trying to obtain funding for The Leonardo art and science center in Salt Lake City. Using her influence with key senators, she tried to get them to take $2 million from the state's tobacco-cessation and education program and divert it to cultural programs, including $800,000 for the Leonardo. She had to back off, though, after being told by state attorneys that, as an agent for a tobacco company, she was legally forbidden from trying to divert funds designated for tobacco education. The House then killed the bill.

IHC executives reportedly have become concerned about their lobbyists also representing tobacco companies, since their business, after all, is health care. Word on the street is that IHC soon will force its lobbyists -- such as Curtis, Stewart and the Ferrys -- to choose between IHC and Big Tobacco.

Speaking of conflicts of interest, Shurtz, the League of Cities and Towns official, was hired by tobacco interests to lobby against a cigarette tax increase, which would have benefited -- you guessed it -- Utah's cities and towns.