It's impossible to critique the failures of the Bush era without targeting the de facto deputy president, Dick Cheney, a historically unique veep who did the policy work and the dirty work for his detail-averse boss. Not that Cheney would care what I think. Or what you think. His governing style was always predicated on the notion that he knew best, and that public opinion was a mere irritant.

Cheney biographer Barton Gellman, whose ground-breaking new book, Angler, has been praised even by Cheney supporters, wrote: "Cheney's most troubling quality was a sense of mission so acute that it drove him to seek power without limit. ... (He) did not much admire the way his fellow Americans made decisions. Our fickle loyalties, our emotional swings, our uneven grasp of facts, our failure to see the main point, our logical errors -- all the things that made our collective conversation so unlike Dick Cheney's conversation with himself -- brought the vice president close to saying he need not bother listening."

Nor did he bother communicating, at least in ways that approximated the truth.

The Bush administration went into free fall for a host of reasons -- such as its documented incompetence in Iraq and New Orleans -- but it can fairly be argued that, at some point, a landslide majority of Americans simply decided that the White House was telling too many lies. And Cheney was a prime offender. No leader, even a legendarily skillful infighter like Cheney, can repeatedly insult the public and get away with it.

He viewed the average citizen as moldable clay, and he crafted his pre-war propaganda accordingly. He shaped the intelligence on Iraq to reflect his post-9/11 fixation on Iraq; as our British allies wrote on July 23, 2002, in a now-infamous memo, "the intelligence and facts were being fixed around the policy." And then he sold us on the fix.

He declared publicly in August 2002 that "there is no doubt that Saddam Hussein now has weapons of mass destruction; there is no doubt that he is amassing them to use against our friends, against our allies and against us." In reality, intelligence officials had been voicing their doubts, and reporting their doubts, all year. But Cheney opted not to share those doubts with the citizens.

And whereas Cheney kept publicly telling us in 2002 that Saddam Hussein was in close cahoots with Osama bin Laden, the president's own Daily Brief of Sept. 21, 2001 said there was "scant credible evidence" of any "significant collaborative ties" -- a conclusion since endorsed by the 9/11 Commission report in 2004 and a new Pentagon report in 2008.

Cheney's characteristic debasement of factual empiricism was not limited to the war, of course. Even after voters booted the GOP out of power on Capitol Hill in 2006, he sought to deny statistical reality. He said the Democrats had only won "a narrow victory," whereas, actually, the aggregate tally of all contested House races showed the Democrats winning by 6.6 percentage points nationwide -- a wider margin than when Newt Gingrich and the GOP captured the House in 1994.

Yet even though Cheney is currently playing out the string with the lowest favorability rating of any veep in modern polling (scraping bottom with Dan Quayle), and even though he no longer has the clout that he enjoyed when ally Donald Rumsfeld ran the Pentagon, there is nary a hint that he confess error or lighten his hubris with a dose of humility.

On ABC News recently, Cheney was still justifying the Iraq invasion, claiming that the postwar inspectors had determined "that Saddam Hussein still had the technology to produce weapons of mass destruction. He had the technology, he had the people, he had the basic feedstocks."

This was yet another lie. The authoritative postwar Duelfer Report concluded four years ago that Hussein's mass weapons programs had "progressively decayed" since 1991, and that inspectors found no evidence of any "concerted efforts to restart the program."

But perhaps the GOP should have the final word. During the early presidential primaries, one of the candidates was asked, "Would you grant your vice president as much authority and as much independence as President Bush has granted to Vice President Cheney?" The candidate simply replied: "No" -- and the Republican audience cracked up. And that alone should be the verdict on Cheney's legacy.