By the end of the night, leaders of Engineering and Software Systems Solutions, known simply as ES3, donated $19,000 to their Republican congressional champion. Another $2,000 check came a week later.

Over the years, Bishop has collected more than $66,000 from ES3 brass, making them by far his largest campaign contributors. During that period, he has steered $9 million in earmarks their way.

Such ties are not rare. Every member of Utah's delegation receives contributions from companies they help through the budget process. It is also not illegal, though government watchdogs decry the link between donations and earmarks.

"There appears to be some fortuitous circumstances where campaign contributions come in and earmarks come out," said Steve Ellis of Taxpayers for Common Sense, a nonpartisan group that tracks earmarks. "These are not altruistic donations. These are businesses making an investment."

Most of these correlations involve defense contractors who donate a few thousand dollars. In Bishop's case, ES3 accounts for $1 of every $6 he has raised for his re-election campaign.

Democratic Rep. Jim Matheson's second biggest donor - the owners of Ceramatec - also were awarded a $1.6 million earmark he requested.

Ellis said these ties are duplicated "thousands of times across the country."

Such relationships would be illegal if the congressman requested the earmark on the condition that the company donate. Bishop, Matheson and those with ties to the companies named here deny any such collusion.

Bishop said he never considers campaign contributions when making his funding requests. He also said he doesn't care about the motivations of those who give him money.

"I will continue to put things in that are useful for my district and useful for the military," he said.

The earmarks, including this year's $1.6 million, don't go directly to ES3; instead the Air Force receives the funds for the Science Engineering and Laboratory Data Initiative, known as SELDI. This program is basically a contingency fund the Air Force can dip into when problems arise.

Hill Air Force Base contracts with ES3 to redesign faulty landing gear and track spare parts. The program has been around for years and has received accolades from Congress for saving money on repairs. But SELDI's only funding source appears to be earmarks.

ES3 has a big advantage in accessing these funds, because Bishop identifies the company as the intended recipient when making the request.

He could ask for the funding without listing any company, if he wanted to.

Bishop was introduced to ES3 executives by a former campaign staffer who went to high school with Brett Bailey, the company's chief information officer.

Bailey gave Bishop $500 in 2003. The next year Bishop helped the company secure a $4.9 million earmark. That year, company leaders donated $15,000.

Since then, the executives and their spouses have donated in mass every August.

Bishop was not able to get ES3 an earmark in 2006. That year the company hired Spencer Stokes to be their new lobbyist.

Stokes worked for Bishop when the congressman was the chairman of the Utah Republican Party in the late 1990s.

The two have also lobbied together on behalf of credit unions, before Bishop was elected to Congress, and they remain close.

Stokes attended the last fundraiser, held Aug. 5 at the home of one of Bailey's relatives. He said his $1,000 contribution was not in response to the earmark for ES3.

"I support candidates who support Hill Air Force Base," said Stokes, who was not speaking on behalf of ES3.

Company President Teri Sgammato declined repeated requests for comment.

Bishop said there "may be a causal link" between the donations and the earmarks but he has "a clear conscience."

He cited the "hoops" the company has to jump through to access the funds, and he pointed out that he wasn't the only one who made the request.

Sens. Orrin Hatch and Bob Bennett also asked for the earmark.

ES3 executives have not donated to either senator this year, but have in the past.

Bishop, who is normally a passive fundraiser, said he appreciated the company's support, but said it didn't impact any decisions he made.

"I'm pretty loose on whom I take money from," he said. "If pro-abortion groups gave me $1,000, I would gladly take it, but I certainly wouldn't support them."

Matheson makes a similar argument when he discusses the donations of Ceramatec, a Salt Lake City company owned by Ashok Joshi.

Ceramatec is working on a small pump to help deliver pain medication. Matheson has secured three earmarks over the last three years to fund this project. Joshi and his wife have also donated to his campaign each of those years.

Their most recent donations add up to nearly $10,000.

Matheson said he feels it's his job to help Utah businesses and it is up to the executives to decide if they will support his campaigns.

''I do not go back and look at who I've gotten earmarks for and say, 'Let's go after them for money,' '' Matheson said. ''That would be inappropriate.''

The Joshis each donated the maximum personal amount of $4,600 this year at a fundraiser they were invited to.

Joshi said he felt no financial pressure to donate because of Matheson's earmarks.

At first, he cited his wife's support for the congressman, and then he said there was more to it than that.

"I also feel that appropriations have politics behind it, so naturally I want my representatives to fight to get the money to Utah," he said. "I'm the right guy to get it, too."

mcanham@sltrib.com