It is about money - who gives it out, who gets it and who can make more of it.
As a result of all the money changing hands, Utah's free-market conservatives have created a massive government subsidy for private schools. In 13 years, Utah's vouchers are expected to cost taxpayers $48 million. Let's call it the "Private School Endowment Fund."
Maybe we should name it after Patrick Byrne. The Overstock CEO has become the new godfather of Utah's "education reform" movement. Besides backing private school subsidies, Byrne is a prime mover behind the "65-cent solution," which purports to dedicate 65 cents of every dollar to public school classrooms. That bill died on the House floor Monday.
Byrne, a "small-L" libertarian and devotee of conservative economist Milton Friedman, graduated from a public high school and has no children of his own. But he believes competition from private schools will cure what ails "government schools."
"Kids are the only thing we have to make Americans out of. If you care about the next generation, it's all about education," he says. "What makes us think government has any special edge in providing education?"
A few years ago, Byrne was one of a handful of wealthy individual donors propping up a then small-time Parents for Choice in Education Political Action Committee, giving $50,000 in 2004 and again in 2006. He also gave individually to politicians sympathetic to the movement, including $75,000 to Gov. Jon Huntsman Jr. for his gubernatorial campaign three years ago.
Along with All Children Matter, the Michigan-based voucher advocacy group financed by the Wal-Mart and Amway heirs, Byrne helped keep the voucher debate alive in Utah.
In turn, Parents for Choice funneled $500,000 to 2006 candidates, including more than 30 current or former state lawmakers - nearly one-third of Utah's legislative branch.
While Parents for Choice's money ultimately did not change the makeup of the Utah Legislature, it scared many conservative lawmakers who had opposed vouchers in the past. For example, Orem Republican Rep. Stephen Sandstrom, who ran last fall as the "anti-voucher candidate" against longtime voucher bill sponsor Jim Ferrin, apparently flip-flopped. One was enough. The bill squeaked out of the House with a single-vote margin.
"Absolutely, money made the difference," says Holladay Democratic Rep. Carol Moss, a retired schoolteacher.
House Speaker Greg Curtis shares equal credit. Sure, Curtis has voted for vouchers in the past. But this year, his support turned to crusade. He talked tearfully about his son, who he wished he had been able to send to private school. An equally important motive was his embarrassing 23-vote win at the ballot box last fall. The speaker reportedly blames the Jordan Education Association. And vouchers were payback.
A few weeks before the vote, Curtis acknowledged a dozen fence-sitters in the House might feel "some pressure."
Lawmakers pushed the bill through as fast as any in recent memory. And last week, Huntsman, whose children attended private school before he ran for governor, just as quickly signed the bill - two hours after it arrived on his desk. Within minutes, voucher supporters sent out the first press release.
Next fall, Utah will launch the most liberal voucher program in the country. It will cost $9.3 million the first year and $12.4 million the next. Eventually, every private school student in the state could have their tuition subsidized by taxpayers.
No doubt support for vouchers - and the number of private schools in the state - will grow as parents of children in private school get government help writing their tuition checks.
But what happens when the state's economy tanks, as it inevitably will? What happens when there is no $1.7 billion surplus and lawmakers have to consider cutting basic state programs? Will they think about squeezing off private schools' government lifeline and brave the wrath of parents who have become dependent on the state to help them send their children to Waterford and Carden Memorial?
We'll have to wait and see.
walsh@sltrib.com
